School LGBT bullying projects axed by government

Government-backed schemes to tackle bullying of LGBT pupils in English schools have funding pulled.

Pupils in class (file photo)

Government-backed projects tackling bullying of LGBT students in England’s schools have had their funding pulled, the BBC has learned.

The decision came despite an earlier pledge to continue investing in school programmes targeting homophobic, biphobic and transphobic bullying.

Ministers admit that those identifying as LGBT face a higher risk of bullying which can cause long-term harm.

But they say the funding was always due to come to an end.

‘Loud and proud’

The Government Equalities Office had funded several well-received programmes costing at least £4m, which specifically targeted LGBT bullying, since 2014. Many had been extended and given further government support.

Initially called The Homophobic, Biphobic and Transphobic Challenge Fund, the government programme was not compulsory for schools, but it allowed teachers, staff and students to receive free training and workshops.

Providers of workshops, as well as parents, students and teachers, had been expecting the funding to continue.

The government acknowledges the serious impact anti-LGBT bullying can have on educational attainment, absence levels, emotional wellbeing and mental health.

‘Threatening voicemails’

But the BBC has learned that the government quietly ended its funding of LGBT anti-bullying initiatives last March.

Concerned father Richard said his son Tom came out as gay a few years ago.

“At first, he was loud and proud about who he was,” said Richard.

Now in Year 10, he has since been continually bullied by other students, which led to him self-harming and lashing out in class.

The pair have asked for their names to be changed as they fear further attacks.

“He started getting negative comments at school, had trouble in corridors, and he got threatening voicemails. He’s ended up cutting himself,” said Richard.

“His school’s been hopeless at sorting things out for him. If it was racism, they would’ve prioritised it, but because it’s homophobia, they’ve had no idea how to deal with it.”

It was a “disaster” that the government had ended this specific funding, said Richard, who believes Tom’s school “massively” needs help with LGBT inclusion work.

“They just don’t have the money or skills to do it themselves.”

The Government Equalities Office said: “The anti-bullying grant fund, which provided 2,250 schools across the country with materials and training, was always due to end in March 2020.”

However, this is the first time that the funding has not been extended since it was originally announced in October 2014 by the then Minister for Women and Equalities, Nicky Morgan.

‘Ignored and shut out’

One provider of LGBT inclusion workshops, who wanted to remain anonymous as they feared that speaking out would jeopardise any future possible funding, said schools and programme providers had been expecting a further extension.

Her organisation was waiting for another funding announcement at the beginning of November, inviting new applications for grants.

She said she felt “sick” that schools would not be able to continue their work, and claimed her organisation had been “ignored” and “shut out” by the government, even though its programmes were well-received.

“What message does this send to young people? This government is rolling back on their initial commitment to LGBT rights,” she said.

Diversity Role Models, a charity which also received funding through the government’s LGBT anti-bullying programme, recently carried out what it called a “pulse check” on levels of LGBT education and bullying in 90 schools across England.

It found that homophobic, biphobic and transphobic language was used in the majority of schools, and some schools were described as unsafe places for LGBT people to be themselves.

‘Stretched’

Metro, an LGBT charity, first received funding in 2016. Dr Greg Ussher, CEO of Metro, told the BBC that “most schools” had been unable to continue their LGBT inclusivity work without government backing.

“We were able to work directly with over 200 schools, train over 4,000 staff, as well as engage students in school-wide equalities activities.

“Government funding meant that schools could have this support for free, but they now need to find funds from their already stretched budgets,” he said.

Nancy Kelley, chief executive of Stonewall, said cutting funding would lead to students being left to “suffer in silence”.

“We know LGBT people are disproportionately affected by poor mental health, and some of this is because of the way they were treated at school.

“It’s crucial this government invests money in funding anti-LGBT bullying programmes across England.”

Kevin Courtney, joint general secretary of the National Education Union, said it was important for every young person to learn about the negative stereotypes and ideas which still lead to many LGBT+ people feeling marginalised.

“If the government is dropping this funding, they need to explain what alternative plans they have to give schools support with challenging LGBT+ bullying.”

Follow Ben Hunte on Twitter and Instagram.

Source: School LGBT bullying projects axed by government – BBC News

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1920: The ‘Black Baron’ And The White Exodus From Crimea

One hundred years ago, the Bolsheviks drove the last White Russian forces opposing them in Europe out of their final stronghold on the continent, Crimea.

Soldiers, officers, and thousands of civilian emigres who feared for their lives or did not want to live under communist rule left by sea. Some 2 million people left Russia in the postrevolutionary wave of emigration.

Red Army troops parade on Red Square in Moscow, sometime between 1918 and 1920.
Red Army troops parade on Red Square in Moscow, sometime between 1918 and 1920.

“The White Army and the Black Baron

Are preparing to restore to us the tsar’s throne,”

goes the Russian Civil War-era Red Army song.

“But from the taiga to the British seas,

The Red Army is the strongest of all!”

The fledgling Red Army didn’t make it to the British seas. Its furthest advance in that direction was stopped at the gates of Warsaw in August 1920. It did, however, drive the “Black Baron” — Piotr Wrangel — into the Black Sea, ending the battle between Red and White forces in Europe.

A chokha is a traditional wool coat worn in Georgia and other parts of the Caucasus that became part of the folk costume of Cossacks in southern Russia.
A chokha is a traditional wool coat worn in Georgia and other parts of the Caucasus that became part of the folk costume of Cossacks in southern Russia.

Wrangel was an officer of the Imperial Russian Army in World War I who took over command of the Armed Forces of South Russia, the unified forces of the White movement in southern territories that had belonged to the Russian Empire, in April 1920 — 2 1/2 years into the Russian Civil War. It is thought that his nickname came from the black “chokha” he took to wearing (although he has also been pictured wearing a white one, as in the photo above).

An armored train called "To Moscow!" that belonged to the White South Russian forces. The Whites made it as far as Volgograd, then known as Tsaritsyn, but never took Moscow from the Bolsheviks.
An armored train called “To Moscow!” that belonged to the White South Russian forces. The Whites made it as far as Volgograd, then known as Tsaritsyn, but never took Moscow from the Bolsheviks.

When he took command in April 1920, the White forces were already on the brink of defeat. A large-scale offensive that aimed to take Moscow from the Bolsheviks had failed at the end of 1919, and the South Russian forces were pushed back all the way to Crimea.

Anton Denikin, the general who had ordered the failed offensive, stepped down and put the Black Baron in charge.

A Bolshevik poster proclaiming "the final hour" for Wrangel and "Pan," a reference to the Polish Army they were also fighting. Underneath the caricature of Wrangel is Denikin at 9 o’clock, crossed out as having been eliminated.
A Bolshevik poster proclaiming “the final hour” for Wrangel and “Pan,” a reference to the Polish Army they were also fighting. Underneath the caricature of Wrangel is Denikin at 9 o’clock, crossed out as having been eliminated.

The British, who had deployed troops to parts of the former Russian Empire and supported the White movement, were giving up the fight — and putting pressure on the Whites to do so as well. The Western Allies had intervened in Russia’s Civil War in hopes of keeping Germany occupied on the Eastern Front by preventing the Bolsheviks from coming to power and concluding a separate peace with the Germans, which they did in March 1918. With Germany defeated later that year, the main motivation for the intervention was lost.

Sevastopol harbor in 1918. This photo is from the period of German occupation of the peninsula before Berlin's capitulation in November 1918.
Sevastopol harbor in 1918. This photo is from the period of German occupation of the peninsula before Berlin’s capitulation in November 1918.
British officers in Georgia, where a British military contingent was based following German withdrawal after World War I. The British sent supplies to Wrangel's forces from the Georgian port city of Batumi.
British officers in Georgia, where a British military contingent was based following German withdrawal after World War I. The British sent supplies to Wrangel’s forces from the Georgian port city of Batumi.

A secret telegram dated April 2, 1920, from the British high commissioner in Constantinople (now Istanbul) recommended that the Whites ask the Bolsheviks for amnesty and said British support would be cut off if they were to continue their “clearly hopeless battle.”

Baron Wrangel, however, was not going to give up without a fight — and would not countenance the idea of pleading with the Bolsheviks for amnesty.

Crimea lacked the resources to feed the local population along with the large numbers of soldiers and civilian refugees that had arrived from other territories of the Russian Empire. Emboldened by Bolshevik defeats at the hands of the Polish Army and allied Ukrainian forces, Wrangel launched his last offensive operation — into grain-rich southern Ukraine.

A Bolshevik propaganda poster depicts Wrangel reaching for the Donetsk Basin in southeastern Ukraine. "Wrangel is still alive -- finish him without mercy," it reads.
A Bolshevik propaganda poster depicts Wrangel reaching for the Donetsk Basin in southeastern Ukraine. “Wrangel is still alive — finish him without mercy,” it reads.

Advancing into what is now Ukraine’s Kherson region, the Whites put their heavy machinery to use against the Bolsheviks’ superior numbers. Wrangel, in his memoirs, praised his army’s tanks as an “especially powerful method of combat.” After initial successes in the summer, they were beaten back onto the peninsula by a Red Army offensive in October.

Bolshevik fighters are seen here with a White tank, named For Holy Rus, reportedly captured in the counteroffensive toward Crimea in October 1920. British Mark V tanks contributed to some significant White successes during the civil war, such as the 1919 capture of Tsaritsyn, which later became Stalingrad and then Volgograd.
Bolshevik fighters are seen here with a White tank, named For Holy Rus, reportedly captured in the counteroffensive toward Crimea in October 1920. British Mark V tanks contributed to some significant White successes during the civil war, such as the 1919 capture of Tsaritsyn, which later became Stalingrad and then Volgograd.

Retreating to Crimea and unsure of how long it could be defended, Wrangel ordered that ships in the cities of Kerch, Feodosia, and Yalta prepare to transport thousands of people and horses, adding to ships in Sevastopol that had already been prepared. To keep defeatism from taking hold in the ranks at news of an evacuation, rumors were spread that the ships were being prepared for an amphibious assault, either on Odesa or the Kuban.

Wrangel inspects pilots of his military's meager air force in Crimea, likely between April and November 1920.
Wrangel inspects pilots of his military’s meager air force in Crimea, likely between April and November 1920.

The order to evacuate was given on November 13, 1920. A message to the public from the White civil administration made it clear to potential evacuees that conditions on the boats would be harsh and that “as no foreign power has agreed to take on evacuees, their eventual fate is completely unclear.” Civilians who were not at “direct risk” of reprisals at the hands of Bolshevik forces were recommended to remain in Crimea.

The evacuation fleet reaches the Bosporus.
The evacuation fleet reaches the Bosporus.

Over four days, some 150,000 people were loaded onto “126 ships of the line, troop transports, tugboats, barges, yachts — anything that could float,” and set sail mainly for Allied-occupied Constantinople.

Wrangel (saluting) oversees a military parade in Gallipoli.
Wrangel (saluting) oversees a military parade in Gallipoli.

Most of the exiled Russian troops moved on from Constantinople to an encampment on the Gallipoli Peninsula in modern-day European Turkey — then Greek territory under French occupation. The French took on the cost of the refugees’ upkeep in exchange for a deposit of 30 ships from the Black Sea Fleet.

A general view of the camp at Gallipoli
A general view of the camp at Gallipoli
Cadets of the Alexander Military School in Gallipoli with a mural of the Moscow Kremlin in 1921
Cadets of the Alexander Military School in Gallipoli with a mural of the Moscow Kremlin in 1921

While the exiled commanders tried to keep the army fit as a fighting force, they were faced with the problem of deserters from the very first days in exile. The French, who did not wish to support the refugees indefinitely, tried to encourage them to leave by cutting rations and recruiting the Russians into the Foreign Legion.

Don Cossacks in Serbia in 1923
Don Cossacks in Serbia in 1923

Wrangel, negotiating mainly with Slavic countries that might agree to take in his men, obtained agreements with Bulgaria and Yugoslavia (then the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes) to take large numbers. A White Army doctor writing about the move from the Gallipoli camp to Varna, Bulgaria, described what she saw as the disconnect between reality and the minds of the exiled White officer corps.

A memorial to White Russian troops in Gallipoli
A memorial to White Russian troops in Gallipoli

“The final farce of the White Guard was played out at the port of Constantinople. Standing tall on a motorboat, Wrangel greeted the remnants of the army…who replied with a weak ‘hurrah.’ The top brass still considered themselves an army and did not want to accept the humble role of refugees,” the doctor wrote. “Officers were in full uniform with all of their awards, armed. Many expected a ceremonial welcome in Varna…but there was no ceremony. It was not an army that was being greeted, but refugees, emigrants. Immediately after disembarking at the port, onto Bulgarian soil, the men would disarm, and a mountain of rifles, revolvers, and sabers grew at the dock.”

Wrangel and his command moved to the Serbian town of Sremski Karlovci in 1922. Yugoslavia was one of the main White emigre centers between the two World Wars, and thousands of the incoming White troops were enlisted to serve in its border force.

Cadets of the Nicholas Cavalry School greet General Kutepov in Serbia. Some Imperial Russian military academies continued to function, for a time, in exile.

The exiled units under Wrangel’s command continued to exist as a unified military structure until 1924, when he reformed the army into the Russian All-Military Union, a global network of anti-Bolshevik emigrants with ties to the Imperial military who hoped to someday get a chance at overthrowing communist rule in Russia. During the interwar period, its members took part in conflicts such as the Spanish Civil War (on the side of the Francoists) and even carried out attacks inside the U.S.S.R.

Wrangel quickly ceded control of the union, which he only headed for two months, and moved to Belgium with his family. There, according to the official version, he died of tuberculosis in 1928.

Wrangel’s funeral in Belgium

The baron’s daughter, as well as some historians, contest this version of his death. His two successors in chairing the union, Generals Aleksandr Kutepov and Yevgeny Miller, were both killed by the OGPU, the early Soviet secret police that would become the KGB. Wrangel may have suffered a similar fate.

A man who presented himself as the brother of the baron’s orderly, Yakov Yudihin, was allowed to stay a few nights with the family. This supposed brother, whom the orderly had never mentioned before according to Wrangel’s daughter, was a sailor on a Soviet trade ship that had docked in Antwerp. Wrangel contracted his fatal illness shortly after his stay — leading to suspicions that his death was the result of a successful Soviet poisoning plot.

Wrangel’s funeral in Belgium. The poster reads, “From the Union of Gallipoli troops in Belgium to their beloved leader.”

Ivan Gutterman is a social-media producer for RFE/RL’s Central Newsroom.

Source: 1920: The ‘Black Baron’ And The White Exodus From Crimea

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Lessons via loudspeaker: the students studying across India’s digital divide

How do you learn from home without a laptop? Teachers are getting creative, but the pandemic remains a vast challenge

Children attend a class at an outdoor learning centre, Andhra Pradesh, India.
Outdoor learning centres have sprung up as Covid has shut schools across Andhra Pradesh, India. Photograph: Swati Sanyal Tarafdar
Swati Sanyal Tarafdar in Vijayawada

Vemula Deena lives in one of the tin huts strung along a narrow lane in the heart of Vijayawada, the business capital of Andhra Pradesh, in the south-east of India. Her parents are construction labourers. Vemula is 13 and wants to be a politician, enamoured of the spotless white kurta-pyjamas they wear and their public speaking.

But her school has closed its doors in the face of the Covid pandemic and gone online, effectively shutting her out. Vemula continues to practise her oration as she does her household chores.

Aviti Keerthana, 9Aviti Keerthana, 9, has been trying to keep up with lessons via television. Photograph: Swati Sanyal Tarafdar

On the fringes of Vijayawada, closer to the vast expanse where the city’s rubbish is dumped, nine-year-old Aviti Keerthana’s parents work as waste pickers. Aviti dreams of becoming a doctor. The area where she lives has no electricity, and the family has one mobile phone. When her school moved online this year, she too was left out until Jones Manikonda, 47, a local philanthropist, stepped in to help.

A survey in July by Save the Children reported that children in 62% of Indian households have discontinued their education amid coronavirus. India has around 320 million children in 1.5 million schools, and 70% are government-run. Few have access to online classes.

Schools have been able to teach using WhatsApp groups or video conferencing, but there is a wide digital divide. A 2017–18 survey found that 23.8% of Indian households had access to the internet, and 12.5% of students had access to smartphones. Only 8% of households with children have a computer plus internet connection. Online education is niche in India.

“It’s been painful and astonishing at the same time to come to terms with the reality that despite living in the centre of a well-developed, wealthy city, there could be people who spend days without a phone or internet, or even something as basic as electricity and drinking water, things that most of us had taken for granted,” says Manikonda.

Manikonda installed a television in Aviti’s neighbourhood so children could watch teachers deliver lessons over government-run channels. But most areas she visited had no electricity. “Putting up television sets was not the option in these. We had to do something else. That’s when we came up with the idea of temporary learning camps,” she says.

Using open-air classrooms, plastic sheets for a floor, whiteboards and pens, and volunteers who hopped from one centre to another across the city, children were able to get back to studying. The learning centres are growing, supported by donors from far and near. There are already 15 across the city with more than 750 students enrolled. “Now their mothers are willing to learn English to be able to sign their names,” Manikonda says.

Source: Lessons via loudspeaker: the students studying across India’s digital divide | Global development | The Guardian

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Danish Study Finds Masks Provide Little Protection From COVID-19 Infection

Wearing a mask isn’t stopping COVID like experts claimed

A study out of Denmark released on Wednesday concluded wearing face coverings may not provide the protection “health experts” have touted.

The large randomized clinical trial found wearing surgical masks failed to halve the risk of being infected with coronavirus.

Even the New York Times had to address the study in an article titled, “A New Study Questions Whether Masks Protect Wearers,” however, the bossy liberal outlet made sure to add, “You Need To Wear Them Anyway.”

This headline is referring to the narrative that wearing a face mask protects others from illness, not the wearer.

Just last week, the CDC updated their guidelines to inform Americans that masks now DO allegedly protect the wearer.

However, the new Danish study counters that claim.

The study was conducted during April and May when 6,024 adults were divided into two groups, one constantly masked and the others were the “control group.”

The researchers concluded, “The recommendation to wear surgical masks to supplement other public health measures did not reduce the SARS-CoV-2 infection rate among wearers by more than 50% in a community with modest infection rates, some degree of social distancing, and uncommon general mask use. The data were compatible with lesser degrees of self-protection.”

A press release by Copenhagen University Hospital explained, “The study does not confirm the expected halving of the risk of infection for people wearing face masks. The results could indicate a more moderate degree of protection of 15-20%, however, the study could not rule out that face masks do not provide any protection.”

Meanwhile, Joe Biden is promoting a national mask mandate and wearing masks while inside of your own home.

The state of Pennsylvania is leading the way, mandating its citizens wear masks while in their houses.

How much more will America put up with?


Jon Rappoport of nomorefakenews.com guest hosts The Alex Jones Show to break down the state of the world as authoritarians make their play to enact medical tyranny and economic collapse.

Source: Danish Study Finds Masks Provide Little Protection From COVID-19 Infection

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Bangladeshi teen wins award for anti-cyberbullying app

A teenager in Bangladesh has won the International Children’s Peace Prize for his efforts to educate young people about cyberbullying.

Sadat Rahman, 17, was inspired to create a mobile app to help young people report online abuse after hearing about a 15-year-old girl who took her own life because of bullying.

About 1,800 teenagers in his local district have now used the app.

Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai described him as “an inspiration”.

“He’s calling on young people all over the world to stop cyberbullying and to help peers in their community who suffer from mental and emotional violence. Sadat is a true changemaker,” she said in an online speech.

The International Children’s Peace Prize is an annual award that recognises the work of young people who promote children’s rights. Previous winners include Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg.

Mr Rahman’s app, Cyber Teens, allows young people to report cyberbullying confidentially through a network of volunteers who then approach police or social workers, while also educating teenagers about online safety.

Since its launch, more than 300 young victims of online crimes have been supported and eight people – including adults who sexually harassed children online – have been arrested.

The teenager plans to use the €100,000 (£90,000, $118,000) award to spread the app further in his home country “and hopefully to serve as a model for the rest of the world”, according to the AFP news agency.

Accepting the award, Rahman explained that half of young internet users in Bangladesh had experienced cyberbullying and that fear and lack of knowledge had previously prevented many of them from reporting crimes.

“I strongly believe awareness, empathy, counselling and action are the four drivers of force to combat cyberbullying,” he said. “The fight against cyberbullying is like a war, and in this war, I’m a warrior. If everybody keeps supporting me, then together, we will win this battle against cyberbullying.”

Source: Bangladeshi teen wins award for anti-cyberbullying app – BBC News

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Thailand’s high school kids rally with political demands

Bad Students group raising education gripes into larger political arena

Prachatai English on Twitter: "15.00 Students are coming to the Ministry of  Education to join the protest "I know I'm bad" organized by the Bad Student  group. So far, around 200-300 students

BANGKOK — High school students, who have played a significant role in recent pro-democracy protests, are spearheading a demonstration on Saturday, Nov 14, organized by the Bad Students group, It kicks off at 1.30 p.m. outside the education ministry.

Laponpat Wangpaisit, the founder of Bad Students, told Nikkei Asia that the group is now fully aligned with older student groups. “We think that every problem can be solved if we can amend the big rule — the constitution.” He said. “That’s why we have escalated our demands.”

In recent months, protest leaders have called for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and his cabinet, constitutional amendments and reform of the monarchy.

Bad Students was founded in June by a group of high-school students led by Laponpat, 18. Initially, it was a response to what they regarded as authoritarian teachers and unreasonable regulations. Laponpat, who is currently being homeschooled, established the group on social media as a discussion group for high school students aged 14 to 16.

Initial issues included longstanding gripes about uniforms, hair lengths and clean nails — all of which were checked by teachers each morning. Thai society has traditionally condoned strict disciplining of students, including corporal punishment.

Social media has enabled youngsters to share opinions widely, and also been a vehicle for exposing serious abuses, including gratuitous brutality.

Bad Students quickly attracted over 100,000 followers on Twitter and 34,000 members on Facebook, fanning the rebellion in Bangkok and the provinces.

On June 27, the teenagers held a protest at Siam Square, a trendy shopping and restaurant area that has long been a magnet for youngsters. On that occasion, the focus was educational reform. That continued on Sept. 5 when hundreds rallied outside the education ministry, wearing white ribbons and snapping three-finger salutes and calling for the resignation of Education Minister Nataphol Teepsuwan.

“It’s time to not just criticize the education system,” Benjamaporn Nivas,16, a Bad Students’ leader, told Nikkei. “We can criticize everything.” From a Thai-Chinese family, Benjamaporn said she feels particularly oppressed by a male-dominated society. “That raised questions in my mind and pushed me to fight against unfair rules.”

Thayanee Jaroenkool,16, expressed similar sentiments. A student at the prestigious Triam Udom Suksa School, she was particularly incensed by hair regulations. “It is unacceptable,” she told Nikkei. “The hair grows on my head, so my hairstyle should be up to me.”

But things have gone well beyond hairstyles. “Now we think that just ousting the education minister is not the right solution,” she said. “The right solution is to reform everything.”

Source: Thailand’s high school kids rally with political demands – Nikkei Asia

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Political Correctness Is Much More Harmful Than People Realize

A recent poll found that Political Correctness is extremely unpopular in America, even amongst moderates and independents, which got me thinking on the subject. There exists an old quote from a famed British psychiatrist by the name of Anthony Daniels regarding Political Correctness. It is the best quote I know of on the subject, and I have been mulling it over for some time, considering its meaning and its implications. The quote reads:

Political Correctness is communist propaganda writ small. In my study of communist societies, I came to the conclusion that the purpose of communist propaganda was not to persuade or convince, nor to inform, but to humiliate; and therefore, the less it corresponded to reality the better.

When people are forced to remain silent when they are being told the most obvious lies, or even worse when they are forced to repeat the lies themselves, they lose once and for all their sense of probity. To assent to obvious lies is to co-operate with evil, and in some small way to become evil oneself. One’s standing to resist anything is thus eroded, and even destroyed.

A society of emasculated liars is easy to control. I think if you examine Political Correctness, it has the same effect and is intended to.

In this way, Political Correctness can be seen not only as a form of narrative control and truth suppression, but as a type of relentless bullying. Speech codes and persistent propaganda no one is even allowed to object to (like diversity worship or the fictions we constantly hear about human equality), reinforce society’s sense of powerlessness. If you can get people to assent to obvious lies, or better yet to repeat them, or better still to absorb them, which is to say to lie to themselves, there is virtually nothing you can’t make them do. You have broken the seal, as drinkers say.

It is as if you have forced a man to murder an innocent, or to rape his own sister. You have destroyed a bit of his soul, you have forced him to surrender, to submit, to choose pragmatism over rectitude, to abandon his reason for the sake of social or professional survival. Once a man has lost his sense of shame, of pride, of agency, of integrity, once he must abandon his own conscience and put on a performance for all the world to see just so that he’ll be socially accepted, he’s a sheep being led to slaughter at that point. He has been subjugated completely. His heart is a gaping wound. He has been warped and debased to his core, to his essence.

We must see Political Correctness then as a very intense form of psychological and spiritual warfare. The goal of it is not just to censor ideas and words and keep people in the dark. The ultimate goal is to destroy the subject’s sense of right, and the subject’s sense of shame, and most importantly, the subject’s will to resist, to live a life of authenticity, of honor, of virtue. Once these dams are broken, vice flows effortlessly downhill for the individual, and for societies living in the shadow of these dams, known colloquially as principle, conscience, probity, integrity, honor and civic virtue— the things that uphold human civilization.

If people aren’t even willing to stand up and rebuff the most glaring of falsehoods, what will they stand up to? They will go along with most anything at that point. People conditioned to wear a mask every day of their lives, to present to the world a perfectly false self, to celebrate things no decent or sensible person could or would celebrate, have already assented to the intolerable.

When the most unthinkable atrocities arrive, they will be more than ready to tolerate them. They have had ample practice tolerating the unthinkable already. They have already assented many times to denying the reality right before their very eyes, and to countenancing what they know in their hearts to be pure evil.

If we understand Political Correctness this way, we must understand Political Correctness to not only be an assault on the truth, which it is of course, but as the main front of a war on human liberty itself, on free minds, on free peoples, on free nations. Political Correctness paves the way for the army of horribles behind it, by turning madness into gospel, meekness into fashion, and surrender into habit.

Vanquished, demoralized peoples do not fight back, they do not rise up and deliver themselves from Marxist tyranny. They applaud rather than cringe (as all people of sound mind would do) when their overlords trot out, on national television, an 11 year old drag queen dressed up in the attire of a street hooker. They do nothing when told that 9 year old boys are perfectly capable of deciding to start physically transitioning into girls via powerful, permanently mind-altering and body-altering pharmaceuticals. They play along when Cultural Marxist oligarchs and media personalities tell us that flooding the country with criminals and imbeciles from the third world will lead to moral and social progress.

They remain silent when they are told that East Asians and whites are the real racists for not wanting to be systematically racially discriminated against in hiring and university admissions countrywide. Because who would assent to absurdity is half-way to atrocity already. He has sacrificed a piece of his soul for security, but will not receive it. The universe never has and never will reward such a bargain.

Source: Political Correctness Is Much More Harmful Than People Realize

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An Interview with Matine Khalighi—The EEqual Project

Meet The Coaches — Prepory

By Michael F. Shaughnessy

1) First of all, please tell our readers a bit about yourself, your education and experience?

Hello! My name is Matine Khalighi from Denver, Colorado. I am an incoming freshman at Harvard University, but I decided to take a gap year to focus on the nonprofit organization that I co-founded named EEqual. Since I was young, community has been everything for me. My parents always tried to show my brother and I the importance of giving back and caring for others. Those values have definitely carried my life’s direction and are the reason I am doing a lot of the work that I do today!

2) How did you first get involved in helping others?

When I was in 8th grade, I took a community service class that was centered around making a difference. This class then inspired me and my co-founder to start Helping the Homeless Colorado, a youth-led nonprofit organization. As 14 year olds, we really did not know what we were doing, but it came from a place of wanting to help and believing that we could, despite our age.

And it worked! Four years later, with the help of over 20 student leaders, we raised over $140,000, provided thousands of basic necessities to homeless people, and even financed scholarships to send homeless students to college. It was quite the journey!

3) Where are you currently located?

I am currently in Denver, Colorado, but I am hopeful that I will be able to move to Boston for school next fall. I love Colorado, especially because of Denverites passion for giving back. I think that it has been a great place for EEqual’s story to begin!

4) Let’s first focus on the homeless. In general, how does such a situation begin?

Well we should probably take a step back, there are many different kinds of homelessness out there. For example, we have students experiencing homelessness, which could look like couch-surfing, sleeping in cars, or sometimes staying at a shelter. And then, there is the more well-known type of homelessness: people living on the streets or in shelters, particularly in urban areas.

For EEqual, our focus is student poverty and homelessness primarily because there aren’t a lot of organizations out there working to support this specific group of people. This is really because there is a complete lack of knowledge about the issue of student poverty and homelessness.

Students in public education can experience homelessness for a number of reasons. For example, it can happen to a student because they got kicked out of their parents house because of their sexual orientation or their family can’t find affordable housing.

5) For students in school, what is a primary concern and what are some of the basic necessities that are needed to keep them in college?

Research shows that education is the most effective way to break the generational poverty cycle. So, the biggest concern is these students not finishing their K-12 education or not attaining some degree of higher education. These students need help funding their higher education, while also helping them get access to resources that will help them be successful in public education.

This is why EEqual’s programs are all centered around helping these students navigate their way to higher education. For example, our Scholarship program: we finance scholarships for students in poverty who apply to our program to attain associates degrees, attend vocational or trade school, or even get education certificates.

Right now, we are in the process of piloting a micro-grant program that covers the costs that come with public education (like computers, field trip money, graphing calculators, etc.) This way students in need can start having access to the resources that they need to be successful students.

6) I applaud your work and efforts to get high school students into a local community college- because once there- they seem to thrive and there are internal supports. But how do we help them with the transition from high school to community college?

All of EEqual’s programs put a huge emphasis on mentorship. We really believe that these students need a friend in their corner to motivate them and help them get out of their situation. For both our scholarship program and micro-grant program, we pair students with a mentor who can really be their support system.

I, as a student who has been very lucky and have never had to worry about my education-related costs, struggled to navigate through the college admissions process. The number of variables were endless: ACT/SAT scores, Common Application, FAFSA, Activities lists, Scholarships, etc. It is simply unacceptable to expect a student who does not have access to adequate resources or support to be successful in this process. That is why providing these students with mentorship and necessary resources, we can help them get on their way to higher education.

7) Where can interested readers get more information? And where can they donate?

Yes! Please feel free to check out our websitewww.EEqual.org to learn more about us and our programs. In addition, because we are a youth-led organization, social media is our jam. Please follow us @EEqualNonprofit on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.

If you would like to support EEqual please visit the “Donate” tap on our website! Also, if you have any questions or would like more information, please feel free to email us at: [email protected]

8) Are there other organizations out there that support you?

EEqual is in our fourth month, but we have received quite a bit of support! I was actually just recognized with two awards (Prudential Spirit of Community & The Barron Prize For Young Heroes) which helped raise over $13,000 for the organization.

My team and I are getting started on pitching to business for sponsorships and applying to some grants! We are so excited for what is to come.

9) What have I neglected to ask?

I think one thing that makes EEqual very special is that we are a for youth-by-youth nonprofit organization. All of our operations from programming, fundraising, and leadership are done by teenagers like myself. At the same time, the people that EEqual is trying to support are students! So, we are introducing a new “young people helping young people” dynamic into the nonprofit sector.

EEqual really is a movement that inspires young people to become advocates for their struggling peers, reinstates the power of youth philanthropy, and reminds us all of the important role education plays in our society. You know, students are our America’s most valuable resource, and we can never put a price tag on what they offer the future. We have to do everything we can to support them and help them succeed!

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A Conversation with Xavier de Lauzanne – Director of 9 Days at Raqqa

“Who is aware that this city, completely destroyed at the time of liberation, which suffered barbarism, led by abject men, is currently ruled by a young woman of 30?” – Xavier de Lauzanne

9 Days at Raqqa is a portrait of Leila Mustapha, a young woman who is Kurdish and Syrian and who was elected Mayor of Raqqa, the former capital of the Islamic State which was destroyed during the Syrian Civil war.  Leila, an engineer by training, was just 30 years old at the time. Operating in a man’s world, Leila’s mission has been to rebuild her city, enable reconciliation and re-establish democracy. The story of Leila is told through the perspective of French writer Marine de Tilly who travels to Raqqa, a still dangerous city, and is given 9 days to tell her incredible story.  9 Days of Raqqa was Officially Selected for the 2020 Cannes Film Festival.

The Global Search for Educationis pleased to welcome Xavier de Lauzanne, Director of 9 Days at Raqqa.

“I was inspired by this woman, Leila Mustapha, by her strength, her optimism, and her humility.” – Xavier de Lauzanne

Xavier, why did you choose to tell this story now?  

We have all heard of Raqqa, the former self-proclaimed capital of the Islamist state during the war in Syria. We were even directly affected by Daesh, in particular during the attacks in Paris; the orders for which came directly from there. European fanatics left to fight alongside the Islamists. Our history is now linked to that of Raqqa and we cannot deny it. And yet, who knows Leila Mustapha? Who is aware that this city, completely destroyed at the time of liberation, which suffered barbarism, led by abject men, is currently ruled by a young woman of 30? Isn’t that amazing? The war is now elsewhere and so very few journalists are going there. As a filmmaker, I considered that my role was to go after them, after the chaos, to enter the sensory universe of characters who have been at the heart of the news, to better understand history through their journeys, to tell about the future prospects and to look at what binds us.

I was inspired by this woman, Leila Mustapha, by her strength, her optimism, and her humility. I was also inspired by the system that the Kurds are trying to establish in the region. In Syria, they do not claim territorial autonomy as in Iraq. They see themselves above all, as Syrians. But Syrians defend a certain idea of ​​the nation: democratic and egalitarian. Gender parity in their administration is the perfect example of this singularity. In the Middle East, they are the only ones to really move the lines and Raqqa is a post-war laboratory that has moved me deeply.

What surprised you most during the creative process of making this film?  What lessons did you personally learn?

When you navigate the ruins of a city of 300,000 inhabitants, which could be any city we know, you have two reactions.  Firstly, to observe with horror what man is capable of, and secondly, to hold onto the signs of life that appear. Behind every destruction is a gigantic distress. But behind each distress there is also a striking burst of life and, in Raqqa, Leila Mustapha is its figurehead. I think I have rarely been so admiring of a person I have filmed.  Creating and building peace is much more difficult than making war. On the other hand, during the filming, we had no control over anything. Our safety depended on others and our schedule was created hour-by-hour. I forced myself to let myself be carried away, without preconceived ideas, without fantasies, by trying to capture with my camera the “truth” of this woman, her authenticity, her sincerity, her spontaneity. Since nothing was calculated, it was difficult for her to form a way of being. We slipped into her daily life, without changing anything. Making a feature documentary halfway around the world, about an unknown woman, in a war zone, with only 9 days, is a gamble. Before leaving, nothing assured me that I had the material to make a film. The unexpected, even if it means coming back empty-handed, has been my source, my wealth, and my reward.

Creating and building peace is much more difficult than making war.” – Xavier de Lauzanne

What do you hope audiences will take away from Leila Mustapha’s life and her mission?   

I believe the film exposes a one-of-a-kind experience. I hope viewers will remember that you should never be too preconceived about others and other places. Iraq and Syria are seen only through the prism of war, of permanent conflict. It’s always easier for the media to show off images of guns, bombs going off,  and people killing each other. I am not saying that it should not be done, but behind our “duty to inform”, there must also be the “duty of balance”. Otherwise we can create an erroneous picture of the world. We believe we are informed, but we are only partially informed by perspectives that are mainly anxiety-provoking because sensationalism makes money, while peace, by definition, is boring. On the other hand, we like to reassure ourselves about our own condition by locking up warring people under leaden covers from which they will never escape. And when they do, the media is gone! So I’m here as a filmmaker to tell people that there is also another way of looking at our world – more courteous, more just, more constructive and no less captivating! Leila Mustapha is the perfect example.

The story is told from the perspective of a female writer. Why did you decide to tell Leila’s story this way? 

I wanted to tell the real story. I was put in contact with this writer who was going to meet Leila Mustapha and who had only 9 days, under incredible conditions, to gather the information that would allow her to write her book. The writer was our facilitator, who we identify with, who takes us to Raqqa and then leaves room for Leila’s emotional power. On the other hand, I’m a man and I made a feminist film. I found it interesting to completely step aside behind these three women (Leila, the writer, and the performer) and let the naturalness of their meeting live without interference or obsessions on my part. I tell a story of cinema, inked in reality, which ends moreover with the return of the writer a year later, to bring to Leila the book she wrote. When making documentaries, I am primarily filmmaking and I have only one credo: “once upon a time …”.

We believe we are informed, but we are only partially informed by perspectives that are mainly anxiety-provoking because sensationalism makes money, while peace, by definition, is boring.” – Xavier de Lauzanne

How did the pandemic impact the creation and marketing of your film?

After filming the last sequence in Raqqa (the writer’s return a year later), we crossed the Syria-Iraq border just as everything froze. Like in a movie, we saw borders and cities close in our path, just long enough to catch the plane in Erbil! But the pandemic itself did not have an impact on the making of the film. On the other hand, after having obtained the prestige of the “Cannes 2020” label of which we are extremely proud, we now have to show the film… We are waiting for other festivals to launch the film’s promotion around the world, hoping that the situation will improve and not degrade again. 

9 days is the first part of a trilogy.

Yes, it is the first part of a trilogy that I am producing on the reconstruction of social ties in Iraq and Syria after the war through three experiences: political, media and cultural. The other two films are in production. 

Thank you Xavier.

C.M. Rubin and Xavier de Lauzanne

Thank you to our 800 plus global contributors, artists, teachers, entrepreneurs, researchers, business leaders, students and thought leaders from every domain for sharing your perspectives on the future of learning with The Global Search for Education each month.

C. M. Rubin (Cathy) is the Founder of CMRubinWorld, an online publishing company focused on the future of global learning, and the co-founder of Planet Classroom. She is the author of three best-selling books and two widely read online series. Rubin received 3 Upton Sinclair Awards for “The Global Search for Education.” The series, which advocates for Youth, was launched in 2010 and brings together distinguished thought leaders from around the world to explore the key education issues faced by nations.

Follow C. M. Rubin on Twitter: www.twitter.com/@cmrubinworld

The Global Search for Education Community Page

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A Conversation with Jim Chuchu – Director of Tapi!

 “Tapi! was created as a way to examine the erasure of indigenous spiritual practice in favour of the dominant religions of Christianity and Islam.” – Jim Chuchu

Tapi! is a short documentary that explores a formative moment in the life of a young Kenyan ritual healer, Jackson, who is one of the last practitioners of the ritual healing practice called utapishi (‘tapi’). The leaders of the local Christian church are not happy with the influence of the ritual and decide to take Jackson to court. Tapi! continues Director Jim Chuchu’s  exploration of African and black spiritualities, in this case the post-colonial erasure of indigenous ways of believing.  Written and directed by Jim Chuchu, the film received its world premiere at the International Film Festival Rotterdam.

The Global Search for Education is pleased to welcome Jim Chuchu Director of Tapi!

“What does it mean for a people to lose their gods?” – Jim Chuchu

Jim, what was your inspiration for creating Tapi!

Tapi! was created as a way to examine the erasure of indigenous spiritual practice in favour of the dominant religions of Christianity and Islam. This particular phenomenon is one of many ways in which old systems of knowledge on the continent are being set aside in a way that echo the troubling colonial frameworks that set out to ‘civilize’ or ‘modernize’ people of colour and their cultural practices. The modern influence of colonial histories in Africa is substantial and difficult to pin-point, but I think it is imperative to keep a continuous and close watch on this influence on present-day African societies.

What are the main takeaways you want for the audience on your story?

I hope that there are several different takeaways for different audiences. For non-African audiences, I hope that the film allows them to consider the still-unraveling effects of European and American history on the people of Africa. These troubled histories are not often taught to young people growing up in those societies, and the resulting unawareness creates room for new generations of citizens in the Global North to enact new oppressions, oblivious of the historical contexts into which they fall.

For African audiences, I hope that the film prompts some reflection on our contemporary ideas of African spirituality, and the interruption of indigenous spiritualities that was the result of colonial disruption and violence, and the separations caused by slavery. What does it mean for a people to lose their gods?

“Tapi! explores the idea of a broader framing of ‘queer’ that expands beyond the contemporary understanding of queerness as a framework of sexuality and gender identity to a wider frame that includes otherness, and ways of being that include indigenous spirituality and mysticism.” – Jim Chuchu

How difficult was it to get your innovative film made? How are audiences responding?

Tapi! explores the idea of a broader framing of ‘queer’ that expands beyond the contemporary understanding of queerness as a framework of sexuality and gender identity to a wider frame that includes otherness, and ways of being that include indigenous spirituality and mysticism. Otherness of all kinds, including those related to sexuality and gender identity, are treated with suspicion in Kenya, and the socio-cultural forces of conformity are deeply entrenched in the ways that Kenyans police public ways of being. Because questioning of religion, and exploration of queerness and otherness are sensitive topics in Kenya, the production of Tapi! faced one or two challenges along the way.

First, the Kenya Film Classification Board – to whom all film scripts are submitted for approval before production – asked us to strike out any mention of queerness in the script, highlighting the ways in which this state agency takes active steps to curtail cultural expression that explores topics deemed sensitive. I find this disappointing because the stifling of cultural conversations makes it difficult for societies to build consensus around the very important questions of identity and membership.

Second, casting for the film was a tricky proposition because at one point during the shoot, several extras expressed strong reservations around the thematic areas explored by the film, causing us to change our shooting schedule and drop several scenes. Thankfully, the main cast of the film were deeply committed to the story, allowing us to complete the production.

In terms of distribution, we were happy that the film was chosen to screen at the 2020 edition of the International Film Festival Rotterdam, which allowed us to reach a wider audience than we could locally. Our inclusion in the We Are One Global Film Festival further widened our reach, and we were very honoured to have one of our works be a part of an unprecedented global film event. Unfortunately, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we are yet to hold a screening of the film locally, so we are looking forward to a time in the future when we are able to gather an audience for physical screenings once more.

“A key question raised by the pandemic has been: what does holistic artistic practice look like in a world where the effects of increasing pressure on resources are more readily apparent?” – Jim Chuchu

How have you as a filmmaker been affected by the pandemic and in what ways are you responding? What are you working on next?

The pandemic and subsequent lockdowns have halted ongoing productions at the Nest Collective, in part because filmmaking at the scale we usually do would flout the state guidelines on social distancing and public gatherings. Additionally, some of our productions required travel, both out of town and beyond the national border. These have had to be recalibrated significantly because of border closures globally and movement restrictions. 

On a more positive note, the pandemic has caused us as a collective to critically analyze the frameworks of our artistic practice going forward. A key question raised by the pandemic has been: what does holistic artistic practice look like in a world where the effects of increasing pressure on resources are more readily apparent? How do we equip our audiences with grounding knowledge that recognises and soothes growing anxieties, while fronting new and fresh ideas for forward movement? How can we all transition, together, towards more sustainable ways of being, recall the ones we used to know, and reinforce the ones we already engage in?

These are questions I am looking forward to tackling in the years to come and in any forthcoming productions.

C.M. Rubin with Jim Chuchu

Thank you to our 800 plus global contributors, artists, teachers, entrepreneurs, researchers, business leaders, students and thought leaders from every domain for sharing your perspectives on the future of learning with The Global Search for Education each month.

C. M. Rubin (Cathy) is the Founder of CMRubinWorld, an online publishing company focused on the future of global learning, and the co-founder of Planet Classroom. She is the author of three best-selling books and two widely read online series. Rubin received 3 Upton Sinclair Awards for “The Global Search for Education.” The series, which advocates for Youth, was launched in 2010 and brings together distinguished thought leaders from around the world to explore the key education issues faced by nations.

Follow C. M. Rubin on Twitter: www.twitter.com/@cmrubinworld

The Global Search for Education Community Page

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